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Immigration law: what does article 3 contain which crystallizes the tensions between the executive and the right?

The deadline is dangerously approaching.

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Immigration law: what does article 3 contain which crystallizes the tensions between the executive and the right?

The deadline is dangerously approaching. And yet, nothing is happening: without an agreement between the executive and the right, the immigration law, postponed many times and carried by the Minister of the Interior, Gérald Darmanin, could, in order to be adopted, make the subject of 49.3. If the government, which does not have an absolute majority in the National Assembly, hopes to keep this constitutional tool in its pocket, which it can only use once per parliamentary session outside of the budgetary text, it nevertheless intends to continue its more or less bitter negotiations with the Republicans. Major sticking point: article 3 of the bill, presented to the Senate from November 6, and which has been in the news for several weeks. What's in it? Why is it so debated? Will it be removed? Le Figaro provides an overview.

Faithful to its “at the same time” philosophy, the government is both firm and accommodating. Wanting to fight against illegal immigration and accelerate the expulsions of foreign delinquents, who “do not respect the values ​​of the Republic and commit offenses on national territory”, the executive also wishes to strengthen the integration of immigrants who work in certain areas lacking personnel. Concretely, the Minister of the Interior wants to create a one-year residence permit for “professions in tension”. A system which would target foreigners working clandestinely, for example in construction or catering, where job offers are pouring in. If passed, this mechanism would only be put in place “on an experimental basis” until the end of 2026.

The government may argue that this is a long-standing complaint from business leaders, but the right denounces it as a wake-up call. And an additional immigration route. While public opinion is rather favorable to this article 3, Republican leaders see it as a red line, and intend to play their part. Even if it means going to arm wrestling. And in the end not giving their votes to the text. A divide all the more assumed as the right knows very well that the executive cannot have anything adopted in Parliament without its support.

Faced with this political puzzle, one question is heating up minds: will the government give up and withdraw this article, intended as a signal sent to the left? If the president of the Republicans, Éric Ciotti, has long considered that the Prime Minister is ready for such a concession, it is the turn of the boss of the LR senators, Bruno Retailleau, to have been, according to Le Parisien, the recipient of 'a confidence from Élisabeth Borne, going in the direction of a withdrawal.

In an interview with JDD last Sunday, the Minister of the Interior said he was “obviously ready to discuss it”. “No one, I know, wants to continue the hypocrisy on the regularization of workers,” scoffed France's top cop. And added: “The government is committed to measures of justice towards those who produce in our country without ever posing a problem of public order.” If the right, with a majority in the Senate, will have a free hand to amend the text as it wishes in a few days, the game will be less easy in December when discussions begin in a white-hot National Assembly.

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