recent years has a wide range of interessekamper sought shelter under antielitismens umbrella. Disagreements about immigration, Norway's relation to Europe, centralization, efficiency, and various reforms have all, at one time or another, been attempted to be portrayed as the people's rebellion against the elite.
the Recipe is as effective as it is known. By labeling isn't as elitists without regard to most people, moved the debate from argumentenes battlefield of distrust, and populism. In the latter the world live simple answers and stalling claims longer than innestemme and real opinions.
Similar grip did Donald Trump to the president, and the river, the united Kingdom, on the painful way, out of the EU. The method has inspired a number of politicians in different camps, here at home. If power is the goal, it can be won through velregissert antielitisme. Often from people who belong to one form or another for the elite itself.
In the weekend of the class struggle we could read, for example, Trygve Slagsvold Vedums "ten commandments" for how politicians can be like most people. All under the title: "Senterpartilederen tells how he was anføreren for the Norwegian uprising against the elites."
Vedums advice: make an effort to be seen as that you are a perfectly normal man. Even if you were to do that Vedum (earn one million a year, be one of the most powerful), you should hide it. The recipe is trite: Run a polluting car. Do not beguile in køa. Take the bus, not a helicopter. Make that most people, who are now than it is.
The underlying strategy is more disturbing: Body of anger and involvement in designing fiendebilder and caricatures about an elite who all work together to serve their own interests. For the centre party, it is the urban that holds skurkerollen. For Frp and Sylvi Listhaug is it kultureliten. For Bjørnar Moxnes and Red are the economic elite. With the weakly defined, often parodiske, fiendebilder wins the all terrain.
El-cycling and university graduates bureaucrats, for example, has committed three errors, should we believe Vedum: The bikes, they have "many years of study", and they work in the bureaucracy.
the Arguments for their political or professional position, whether it may be for or against immigration, the wolf or the police reform, is secondary. Do you have a particular job, address, or pattern of behavior, you are unable to understand or protect the interests of people who do not similar even.
To the class struggle defense Vedum even use such simplifications that they have a humorous edge. But even if it were to be true, the fisherman he in troubled water. Mistenkeliggjøringen will only create greater discord in the long term.
he Wins power with such a strategy is also it all the more tragicomic than humorous. Then a number of senterpartister take over responsibility for the thousands of urban departementsansatte, as well as using them for their own political gain. In the times when as a minister he and his equally meet the elite they work hard to discredit.
Departementseliten will most likely do as the Norwegian bureaucracy always has done: Relate, professional and loyal to the incumbent political leadership, as well as beliefs against own faglighet. If the opportunistic antielitismen skjøtter samfunnsbyggerrollen in the same way, it will perhaps dawn in 2019.