the Policy and the parliament's sworn enemies, nationalisthögern on the one hand, and the Catalan separatists, on the other, made common cause and brought down on Wednesday, the government Sánchez budget proposal. While allowing the constitution to the government to remain without the budget and manage the economy by decree.
But the socialist party PSOE's ”barons” – the regional leaders along with the party's veterans, with former leader Felipe González in the lead – has made clear its dissatisfaction with such a solution. They want to have elections as soon as possible and not at the regional and EUROPEAN elections of 26 may.
Socialistbossarna, and even more PSOE's mayors around the country, want to price differentiate the elections. They expect that He will be punished by voters for its lengthy and patient negotiations with the Catalan separatists; the negotiations that the right branding as ”treason”.
their local elections hoprörda with the explosive Catalan question. If He makes a bad choice, april 28, reason partistrategerna, so depart, he, and the party gets a chance to snatch up before the other elections in may.
Sánchez has he been able to in recent years defied the thoroughfares, and with great success. After the election in 2016, when he refused to let the right-wing Mariano Rajoy to form a government, he was of the party central committee, which is thus thought to have consigned him to history. But a few months later, in the situation of the new leader, asked Sánchez up and defeated easily partibossarnas candidate, Susana Díaz from Andalusia.Photo: CRISTINA QUICLER
But the face of this election, which promises to be a raw sluggerbatalj, Sánchez't afford to encounter himself with the party organization. He must be able to support itself against the party apparatus and the body, and these are mainly regional.
, Susana Díaz, who in december was driven from power in Andalusia of a högerkoalition, can choose to engage wholeheartedly in his campaign, or only half-heartedly. Díaz and a number of other regional högdjur within the party are equally militant in their views on Catalonia that the Spanish right wing, and they are upset that He messed up the lives of those with her too - ”please,” the treatment of the separatists of Barcelona.
The two larger nationalistpartierna, PP and Ciudadanos, have great hopes to push Pedro Sánchez Moncloa palace in april. The measurements give högerblocket a minimal kongressmajoritet. But despite the fact that they have the wind in the back, they see the choice with the greatest discomfort.
the fifty years of democracy has been from the aggressive, bullersamma right-wing parties, but now a new, vital and hungry extremiströrelse ready to take on the PP's and Ciudadanos voters. The new Vox, morskt after playing the lead role under the detroniseringen of the socialists in Andalusia, pushing ahead in the polls in a way that should give the PP's new leader Pablo Casado sleepless nights.Photo: OSCAR DEL POZO
Casado would be happy to stamp the new medtävlaren as a dangerous, fascistbetonat rag-tag-group, but he restrains himself, for several reasons. Both reigns PP now Andalusia with the Vox good memory; on the other, consists almost the whole of the Vox electorate of people who migrated from the PP. To label them as unworthy of fanatics makes it more difficult to win them back.
to compete with the Vox is instead stepping up the rhetoric against Pedro Sánchez and against katalanisterna. When the PP comes to power, it promises Casado, the cheeky separatists in Barcelona, put on the spot and the Catalan autonomy suspended. Vox responds in the same style and Catalonia spreads in a dangerous way out at the expense of all other electoral matters.
Spain has not had a normal political life of over three years. After the elections in december 2015, no one could form a government. The country was forced to an election in the summer of 2016, but neither broke the deadlock. First, in november 2016 could be the PP's Mariano Rajoy to form a government – after the PSOE got rid of Sánchez and the socialists abstained when Rajoy was sworn in.
But Rajoys government was a house of cards, and it did not pass the pressure waves from the Catalan conflict, which broke out fully in the autumn of 2017. In may of last year brought down the Catalan and basque nationalists in the Madrid parliament Rajoys government and elect Sánchez in his place.