The 28 april is the time for the spaniards to go to the polls. It will be the third time in four years. As well as at the last moment, the summer of 2016, the voters have their say before the regular term of office has expired. Then were called new elections after political parties failed to form a government. This time it is done after the prime minister not received its budget accepted by parliament.
In a few other countries have the ability to form effective governments damaged more of the earthquakes that have shaken the european political landscapes of the last decade. So also have the tremors in Spain has been unusually numerous, as well as the gaps they have created.
after the democratisation in the 1970s, been dominated completely by the struggle between the conservative PP and the socialist PSOE. The order made to the 2015 elections end.
the aftermath of the financial crisis – high unemployment, years of austerity policies and repeated corruption scandals fed the discontent. Tvåpartisystemet burst.
Both entered the vänsterpopulistiska Podemos, whose leadership has connections to the regime in Venezuela, the scene. The party stole the lots of disgruntled PSOE-voters. Secondly, Spain a new liberal party: Ciudadanos, which had been formed in Catalonia, as a response to the region's separatiströrelse, took votes from, in particular, korruptionstyngda PP.
In the fragmented landscape – where Podemos, as several other parties did not want to do, constituted an important piece – it was not possible to form a government. The spaniards were forced to new elections.
The Catalan crisis has given impetus to an old konfliktdimension, which revolve around the regions ' self-determination and cultural identity.
When the voters had their say in the summer of 2016, the result was largely unchanged. PP was the highest, but had a majority against him. Only when another election towered and PSOE capsized in the opinion, it came to things: Heavy regionpolitiker forced the party leadership to drop, until the PP's Mariano Rajoy to prime minister.
two events have shaken the political terrain even further. First it was konfliktnivån in Catalonia up dramatically and with that the region's government arranged the illegal referendum in 2017. Then orchestrated PSOE's leader, Pedro Sánchez, a motion of censure against Mariano Rajoy in the spring of 2018. And seized myself the power with the support of Podemos, and a range of nationalistpartier – including those from Catalonia.
The Catalan crisis has given impetus to an old konfliktdimension, which revolve around the regions ' self-determination and cultural identity. The fact that Sánchez used not only vänsterpopulistiska Podemos, but also the Catalan separatists to take power has generated an intensely polarizing policy of blocs.
Ciudadanos took originally a middle position. Now, the party has inserted itself in a högerblock with the PP, with the promise to vote to remove Sánchez and defend the national integrity.
to also get the company of Vox. As the onion on the salmon is högerpopulismen about to make its entry into the Spanish politics, impelled by the crisis in Catalonia. The Vox looks to secure at least 10 percent, and could become bigger than both Podemos as Ciudadanos.
the Party follows the closest to mocking the archetype for our time of right-wing populist movements. One is against immigrants in general and muslim ones in particular. The feminist movement stand in the firing line: it shall be harder to do the abortion, and the law on violence against women should be removed. All seasoned with distrust of climate science and requirements, that it will be easier to get to own weapons.
Vox an unusually clear illustration of the extent to which the new högerpopulismen represents a mature political impulse.
at the same time is the Vox an unusually clear illustration of the extent to which the new högerpopulismen represents a mature political impulse. When the party leader, Santiago Abascal, a ”reconquest” (reconquista) of Spain, it is not only an allusion to Ferdinand and Isabella's war against the moors (and islam) in the 1400s, it is also a shameless nod to Franco, who gave his revolt against the republic of the same name.
is taking shape is as peculiar as it is harmful. Strange is it therefore, that the parties skyfflats into the same camp, have so little in common. Liberal Ciudadanos and right-wing populist Vox parts only its opposition to Catalan separatism and Pedro Sánchez. PSOE is in turn a basically pragmatic social democratic party who want to stick together in Spain. And therefore has little in common with both the Catalan självständighetsivrare radical Podemos.
Malware is the logic of blocs, therefore, that it is liable to make mitteninriktade parties to ytterkanternas hostage. Likely a result of the unstable governments that are at risk to fall under the weight of its own internal contradictions.
In the worst case, it means to either Vox or Podemos and Catalan separatists are allowed to keep the baton. No matter complicates the logic of blocs the possibility to deal with difficult political issues, which is precisely the conflict in Catalonia.
I said firmly no to cooperate with the PSOE speculated that the party might change their minds about the parliamentary mathematics is the correct one. It would be well.
When the new konfliktdimensioner is activated and the outer edges are strengthened door must be kept open between the parties as representing the policy's broad center. The case in Spain, as well as here.