When August Palm came to sweden and spoke to the workers who organised themselves in the aftermath of the big strike of 1879, he took the opportunity to condemn läseriet and the religious vidskepelsen that he understood grasserade in arbetarleden. Strike had been led by faithful workers. It was said that it took twenty years before the labour movement in the city recovered from Mäster Palms truths. The movement splintered. The fight against the power of the holy spirit was more important than sågverksbaronerna.
So can the radicalism. Have the right, but on the wrong things.
the Swedish social democracy in half a century was the world's most successful party, was almost always able to distinguish between over - and subordinate questions.
In a country where the governing from the left to the right, the last quarter of a century has been agreed to import a new sub-class, can the issue of refugees can hardly be said to be subordinate.
Immigration without integration is the right-wing politics. Therefore, let us be radical.
The S-noticed debater Stig-Björn Ljunggren told me recently that another S-debater had prepared a paragraph about the flyktinginvandring and the welfare state, but standing before the party of the left opposition he jumped over this section of his speech, because he did not want to destroy the nice atmosphere in the room.
Sometimes radicalism to say the less. Sometimes to be completely silent.
should not have the same difficulty to express what the feel about immigration without integration. Quite clearly, has the opinion ruined the nice mood in the room.
Two months after a new social democratic government came to power standing on a partly neo-liberal political base, two weeks before the party congress in Örebro, the movement has started to set in on the agonizing march that now anträdas, right into unexplored terrain.
In Gothenburg, the party has exploded into an internal conflict that took place in a transparent way. One of the spouses, oppositionsrådet Ann-Sofie Hermansson, hinted early on that there was something under the surface, something large and ideologically. Hermansson promised after the defeat that she would continue her fight against hedersförtryck. For this stance, she has received the strong support of liberal opinion-formers.
borrowed the style of management from his former boss, the legendary Göran Johansson. Ironically, it was Johansson's daughter, Anna Johansson, former minister, on the opposite barricade of the conflict.
If Göran Johansson, it was said that he not only ran over a few, but all, but got things done. At the time, was a huge party in Gothenburg, sweden, over 40 per cent. Johansson was probably a part of the percentage. According to the gothenburg folklore (but as far as I understand, true), he lived all of his adult life is left in the proletarian city of norwich aviation. Sat on the seats in the SKF's board of directors, despite the fact that he was the president. Went down and ate breakfast with the guys at SKF on Monday. Everybody understood that he was a politician not exploited itself. Completely in the absence of personal vanity.
Popular, respected in wide circles, perhaps even feared.
The personal attitude expressed in a policy. The policy was expressed in the personal approach.
works worse. The conflict in Gothenburg, sweden is an expression for the operating spöksmärtor: politics, voters and the anchor is gone. Still, it hurts.
You need to have the order of over - and subordination.
A radicalism of the right, but on the wrong things, ending up with polite silence. Or as provocation. First, within the framework of the broad social movement, cultural and religious disagreements be handled in a fruitful way. Also Pampen works once the policy is established.
But why not speak plainly? Why not ruin the fine mood of the room? What is it that you are opposed to?
to promote a government policy which in essential parts is error in both axes: the error distribution policy, and the wrong values. I guess that government communicators will have their hands full when all of this will be packaged and sold to the Swedish people. Communication with operating the various branches, trade unions, tenants, educational institutes, already seems to have frozen broken.
A politician who loudly signals – as it is called in politics – where he now stands, is the SD's Jimmie Åkesson. Again and again the sounds Åkesson announced that he is not any ordinary missnöjespolitiker, but is ready to set itself in the forefront of what he calls the conservative block.
Åkesson has obviously tired of was the lad Ruda and long hot and intense in the heat. A racist, a fascist, sure, glad to, but first as last, a hearty tabouret.
the conservative block in Swedish politics, but not in the place where Åkesson stands. It cuts across through social democracy and the conservatives. However, as the conservatives have their romantic new deal, democratic socialism, their swarming identitetspolitiker. Individual rights and group belonging is everything, community is nothing.
It is the closest to relating to when the various vänsterdebattörer condemn the nation as ideology: the national chauvinism that is being spread in the kingdom. But why not speak plainly? Why not ruin the fine mood of the room? What is it that you are opposed to? Is it the home guard? The Swedish institute? The Swedish Academy as between äventyrligheterna say they want to protect the Swedish language in its purity?
We all know what and who is being referred to.
A social democracy who believe themselves able to survive and be relevant through the opponents policies is an astounding fullskaleexperiment
in the gloom how Åkesson could abandon the popular requirement on the ban on profits in welfare. A requirement that even if it took aim at the symptoms, not the disease, expressed a broad popular lead at the neoliberal experiment which was ruined in the first place the school.
Equally mysterious is that ädelliberalen Antonia Ax:son Johnson, presented after the autumn elections and demanded that the rasisten etc Åkesson would get to be a part of the bourgeois family and be regeringsunderlag.
Mysteriöst, to put it mildly.
But the interest never lie.
The conservative block is an exciting thought experiment. The neoliberal revolution was a failed social experiment. A social democracy who believe themselves able to survive and be relevant through the opponents policies is an astounding fullskaleexperiment.
But the nation is not a thought experiment.
melancholy, lommens cry and the knife towards the open eye, Astrid Lindgren, the birches are white against the lake, Rinkeby Folkets hus and the thousand choirs, what is the nation?
the Nation is a mutual insurance company.
Politicians who do not show the necessary care if the joint should not be re-elected. The government has for a quarter century, lack of attention, but always gets re-elected.
Therefore, spins the arrow of the compass.