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A membership in the EU, yes or no
A membership in the EU, yes or no

With a klassblind method, it is difficult to understand what SD's voters mean

This is a kulturartikel which is a part of Aftonbladet's opinionsjournalistik.

As an outsider, I am grateful to both Jonas Sjöstedt (6 dec) and Petter Larsson (dec 10) answers my post on the left and the UNION question (Aftonbladet, 3 dec). Both have good points, and I want to limit this reply to the two points:

The first is the EU-membership. I agree with Noted that ”we see all the shortcomings of the current EU, lack of democracy, corporate domination and right-wing politics that the EU institutions are marinated in”. But there are only two positions on the EU-membership: Yes or no.

the Question of what things the party shall give priority in the election campaign is something else. If Swexit are 100 miles from the political agenda, it is not so meaningful to make it a kampanjfråga. It is we agree on.

But in the question of principle, it is even more important that the Party stands firm in its position when the SD lifts the EUROPEAN resistance. This, as was the message in my article, stands firm no matter what the opinion is for the moment, " says an EU exit.

All of the other parties can be opportunistic, but not a socialist party. If you must adjust the policy after public opinion is of course not the EU opposition to the first principle issue to remove from the program, but rather the fight for socialism.

just As important are the political consequences in the shorter term, which can follow an opportunistic slip away from a principled opposition to the EU. They first say yes, or just well, to the EU, it may in the next round appear to be inconsistent or ”politically impossible” to create a principled resistance to the how market liberalism run over the Swedish democracy, so long as the present directive was introduced in accordance with the EU's rules of the game.

How bad it can go is illustrated by the example of Greece. In the fight against the EU's destructive austerity measures formulated never lead to the ruling Syriza any popular criticism of the EU's construction and the euro. Thus, it became politically impossible to develop the Grexit a real alternative to the EU's dictates. Even when Syriza won the public opinion against the EU line in the referendum on the austerity package, was prime minister Alexis Tsiprias in fact no option but to bow to the big banks and go into the new time that the european left's most tragic figure.

I mean, of course, not that Sweden's situation in any way similar to the Greek. My point is that the mighty the left side under ”the red flag”, which Jonas Sjöstedt, has visions, can be completely powerless, even with the government in the hands, and the majority of the population in the back, if the leaders have chosen the wrong strategy in the EU-issue.

The second point is my assertion that ”Högerpopulisternas arbetarklassväljare is leftist when it comes to economic distribution, welfare rights and influence on the world of work”, as Petter Larsson are protesting against. My sources related to Fremskrittspartiets and Dansk Folkepartis arbetarklassväljare.

In the Frp, it means the 60% of voters who have the lowest income.

I agree with Larsson that this will need to be examined when it comes to SD's voters. Unfortunately, it is not possible with survey from the Institute for prospective technological studies, to which he refers. It examines what the ”SD-voters” think about different issues, but to distinguish between employees and entrepreneurs, for example. With a klassblind method, it is difficult to understand what SD's arbetarväjare mean.

the Head of the Manifest Tankesmidie and up to date with the book Freedom mødre.

Translation: Åsa Linderborg

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