To be liberal is to be forked, it has been said. Then, it is perhaps not surprising that Jan björklund's partiledartid can be summed up in two different ways.
His climbing against partitoppen started in the 90's, around the same time as the then people's Party tried to make up with what was perceived as the ”snällismen” in politics.
is that care, read the new message, and Jan Björklund wanted to set requirements. His attacks on what he described as the socialist flumskolan attracted a lot of attention. The sentences are divided about his school policy, but few would deny that he put the school in the centre of the Swedish political debate. His impression of the party is more diffused.
With his background in the military, he was known as the mayor in the classroom. But even if he was proud of his background in the defense he thought not really on the description.
”It's clear that you want to take out a schablonbild of a person that is very hard. It becomes one-dimensional. With a kind of cool that fit in the picture”, he told us in an interview in DN in the summer of 2017.
the speech, he speaks often about socialliberalismen and how the groups started in the classroom. He returns to his own childhood beside the textilfabriken in Västergötland, where arbetarhemmens bookshelves filled with ornaments, rather than books. It was the dedicated teachers who brought the corporation and the interest for the study.
But the voters have not allowed themselves to enthuse about. The liberal party has not raised in public opinion during Jan björklund's partiledartid. The name change to the Liberals in the autumn of 2015 did neither to or from.
Maybe have the image of the party has been difficult to get together: There are those, also in the own ranks who think that Jan Björklund as a populist maktspelare. Allianskolleger has sometimes hinted that it has been difficult to rely on information from the Liberals.
convinced after describing Jan Björklund as the best leader they had ever had. Someone who can everyone's birthdays and never miss dancing with the veterans at the partisammankomsterna. In recent years, and another to and with torgfört the theory that he was re-elected as party leader, despite the weak result, because he was so nice. There was significant opposition to the eternal huvudutmanaren Birgitta Ohlsson is another part of the story.
he Might have been protected by the fact that he belongs to a strong generation in the party. A group of friends, that have been interacting since the years in the youth league.
Jan Björklund met typically the love of his life Anette Brifalk at a party among folkpartister. 1992 was the wedding. Then the idea was that there would be children. But it took time. In 2001, the dream came true through adoption from south Korea. It would appear that the father Jan Björklund was much, much better to bother than to make demands. He raises never the voice against the sons, the wife told.the Family on the spot when Jan Björklund spoke on Järvaveckan in Stockholm. Photo: Anette Nantell
on the first line, when Jan Björklund in June 2017, gave a speech on the Järvaveckan in Stockholm. He addressed himself directly to the family, with a promise to the sons Jesper and Gustav never to give The power over Swedish politics.
He had just lost his mother, she who during the second world war have fled over the border from Norway to escape the nazis. Now he was in the process of preparing the party on a historical sidbyte, from the alliance to a collaboration of blockgränsen.
It was an unexpected turn of events for the arbetargrabben from Skene, who have committed themselves politically in the protest against the red bigwigs. After all the years he was prepared to go to the old huvudmotståndarna to the meeting.
”I'm really in depth critical and has dismissed the socialist power apparatus and all that it has stood for. But, in the end, a party with neo-nazi roots incredibly much worse”, said Jan Björklund in the summer of 2017.
it went exactly as he had feared: the ruling coalition parties had agreed gathered less support than the red-green. Then risked a civil government to be dependent on The sweden democrats in every vote. Therefore preferred the Liberals, as well as the Centre party, to make up with the social democrats and the green Party.
Just at the end of the years in the toppolitiken went the image of Jan Björklund together
But the party was so often fragmented. In the final stages of the negotiations on the Januariavtalet had the social democrats not only appeasing the Centre party, but also to make the last concessions made to the Liberals. Much came to be about integration policies – for example, the sixteen-year-old requirement of a language test for citizenship. But Jan Björklund also got through a few skolförslag. The possibility to introduce the score from the fourth class was among the last of which was written in the agreement.
Just at the end of the years in the toppolitiken went the image of Jan Björklund together: In Januariavtalet put both socialliberalen and kravliberalen imprints.